A future Labour government would restore the 50p tax rate for those earning over £150,000 a year, Shadow Chancellor Ed Balls has said.
The previous Labour government created a new 50 per cent tax band in 2010 for anyone with income of more than £150,000 a year, but this was cut to 45 per cent by the coalition government in April 2013.
Balls said: 'When the deficit is still high, it cannot be right for David Cameron and George Osborne to have chosen to give the richest people in the country a huge tax cut'. He said Labour would seek to get the deficit down by 'reversing this unfair tax cut for the richest one per cent of people in the country'.
The poorest income group spends twice as much on so-called 'sin taxes' and VAT than the wealthiest income group as a proportion of their income, according to a report from the Institute of Economic Affairs think tank. Tax is the single biggest source of expenditure for those who live in poverty, it says.
There has been much debate on the merits of tackling inequality by prioritising ‘pre-distribution` - of attempting to achieve a more equal distribution of the cake before turning to ‘redistribution’ through tax and benefits. Stewart Lansley examines the possible impact of a number of measures on wage levels and the wage share.
Income inequality in 2011-12 was at its lowest point since 1986, according to the Office for National Statistics. In its latest annual report on the impact of tax and benefits, it calculates that the Gini coefficient for disposable income in 2011-12 was 32.3 per cent, a fall from its 2010-11 value of 33.7 per cent.
Austerity policies have increased 'idleness' and given rise to the additional problem of disguised underemployment, according to a think-tank report. The authors call for a fiscal policy designed to promote employment, coupled with a complete redesign of the income tax, national insurance and benefits systems.
There is a 'negative and significant' link between income equality and work incentives, says a new academic study of EU countries.
The study used EUROMOD (an EU-wide microsimulation model) to disentangle the role of taxes, benefits and social insurance contributions in influencing income inequality and work incentives – the latter being indicated by marginal effective tax rates (METRs), the share of an increase in earnings lost through higher tax and social insurance contributions and/or lower benefit entitlement.
A series of major changes to the tax and benefits systems came into effect from April 2013, accompanied by disputes over their purpose and likely impact. The Chancellor George Osborne described them as being about backing 'hard working people who want to get on in life'.
Poverty campaigners and think tanks have voiced disappointment over the 2013 Budget statement, accusing the Chancellor of doing little or nothing to help those on the lowest incomes. Against a backdrop of sluggish economic growth and high borrowing, the Budget used savings from deeper public spending cuts to give tax breaks to businesses and those on middle and higher incomes.
The Joseph Rowntree Foundation said the Chancellor had failed to deliver an anti-poverty Budget that would boost living standards and ease the strain on poor families. The Resolution Foundation think-tank pointed out that most of the benefit of income tax cuts went to higher-income households, at the same time as families on lower incomes faced cuts in tax credits. The Child Poverty Action Group accused the government of 'abandoning' low-income families on the frontline of austerity.
Wealth taxes are in need of comprehensive reform, according to a report from the Institute for Public Policy Research. But the authors stress the need for an approach that takes into account the political realities facing politicians attempting to introduce change.
Tax systems in developed countries generally become less progressive at higher income levels, says a new working paper from the OECD in Paris.
The paper presents statutory tax progressivity indicators for the 34 OECD member countries in 2011 – on the basis of average effective income tax rates and also tax 'wedges' (that is, taking into account social security contributions, payroll taxes and cash benefits). Average rate progression is calculated for four different household types: single people without children, one-earner married couples without children, lone parents with two children, and one-earner married couples with two children. The progression rate is given for five income bands between 50 and 200 per cent of the average.